My Submission to Mandatory Review of the Sexual Offences Act 2017
My Usual Blog
The object of this site is to provide hard factual analysis of abolitionist submissions to the review of Part 4 of the Sexual offences act 2017
My personal opinion is that all these submissions will be a cynical exercise in self referenced propaganda aimed at dismissing the real problems with this legislation and the voices of the active sex workers it has been imposed upon, and utilising it’s obvious failure to draw more funding into organisations that I believe to be entirely self serving and abusive to the point of having alienated almost their entire user base for decades. I believe that, as a side effect of personal ambition this is also coecive control on a massive scale with all the attendant damage that entails and perpetuates.
- Sex Work and Sex Workers in Ireland – the Evidence Useful list to have handy.
- The Implementation of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017, Part IV – An Interim Review – Geoffrey Shannon PHD
- Aims of the RUHAMA Women’s Project 1994
- Disrupt Demand: Strategies to Support Legal Change to Tackle Demand – Immigrant Council of Ireland 2015 – The PR strategy employed to force change in law.
- How Prostitution and Sex Work Created Conflict in Public Discourses in Dublin Teresa Whitaker From: The Nexus among Place, Conflict and Communication in a Globalising World March 2019
Related Submissions to Review of Sexual Offences Act 2017
All of these organisations were prominent members of the “Turn Off the Red Light” campaign that launched in February 2011 by Denise Charlton (then CEO of Immigrant Council or Ireland, later project director of the Sexual Exploitation Project at UCD, and currently CEO of Community Foundation Ireland) and aggressively campaigned for the criminalisation of sex buyers as well as dramatically increased funding to some member organisations to provide “exit resources”. At no time I am aware of did Turn Off the Red Light consent to consult active sex workers or permit open debate with active sex workers or anyone else who opposed them. Instead they relied entirely third party accounts from within member organisations and the anecdotal testimony of three Irish women who identify as survivors of prostitution.